Tuesday, 28 June 2011


27th June 2011

As-salaamu Alaikum Wa'rahmatullahi Wa'barakatuh

SISTERS CONFERENCE 2011
We invite you to the inaugural Mercy Mission Sisters Conference 2011!

There are many challenges for the contemporary British Muslimah. Successful careers, focused paths to pursuing knowledge and the real world pressures of playing an active role at home and trying to find a suitable spouse are all real issues which we all face.

In order to have some genuine dialogue recognizing the pressures of the time and respond to the issues that all of us face in the pursuit of happiness; we invite you to attend this conference by sisters for sisters, taking place:

16th of July 2011

0930 am - 1830 pm.

@ The Grange City Hotel, London.

Join us at the 5 star prestigious London hotel where we will take a journey exploring the realities of contemporary life in the light of the divine decree of Allah and focusing on how to make the most of our every moment.

Speakers include, Na'ima B. Robert, Fatima Barkatulla, Sayyidah Zayidi, Umm Raiyaan, Zohra Sarwari and many more inspirational speakers.

Seats are very limited, so buy tickets now for this unique event, which will be a great source of spiritual enlightenment and phenomenal networking.

SEE YOU THERE INSHAA ALLAH

Sunday, 26 June 2011







Crisis in the Congo: Uncovering the Truth
On Thursday, June 30, 2011, the 51st anniversary of the Democratic Republic of Congo's independence, Friends of the Congo will host premiere screenings of Crisis in the Congo: Uncovering the Truth in select cities throughout the United States and Canada (New York, Washington, Toronto, Los Angeles, Atlanta, Detroit, Ann Arbor and Pittsburgh).
Crisis in the Congo: Uncovering the Truth explores the role that the United States and Great Britain's allies, Rwanda and Uganda, have played in triggering the greatest humanitarian crisis at the dawn of the 21st century. The screenings will be a short version of the feature length production to be released in the near future. The film locates the Congo crisis in a historical, social and political context. Leading experts, practitioners, activists and intellectuals provide analysis and prescriptions that are not readily available to the general public.Featured prominently in the film are such figures as Adam Hochschild, author of King Leopold's Ghost, Anneke Van Woudenberg, senior researcher at Human Rights Watch, and Former New York Times Reporter Howard French, author of A Continent for the Taking.The film is a call to conscience and action.Click here to view clips from the film and find out the time and locations of the June 30th screenings. Should you wish to screen the film contact us here.Trailerhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Ii3tlD-l6k Film Websitehttp://congojustice.org/ You Tubehttp://www.youtube.com/crisisinthecongo Facebookhttps://www.facebook.com/CrisisInTheCongo We encourage you to continue supporting the work of Friends of the Congo. It is through your contribution that we are able to pursue justice in support of the people of the Congo. Click here to support our work!

Friday, 24 June 2011

APPP Research Report 01, 'The political economy of the investment climate in Tanzania, Brian Cooksey and Tim Kelsall, June 2011
http://www.institutions-africa.org/fileinfo/20110606-appp-research-report-01-the-political-economy-of-the-investment-climate-in-tanzania-by-cooksey-kelsall-june-2011
Although Tanzania suffers from an imperfect form of liberal democracy and high levels of corruption, it has attracted unprecedented levels of foreign investment over the past fifteen years, and is predicted by the IMF to be one of the fastest growing countries in the world over the next decade. This provides some grounds for thinking that Tanzania represents a case of ‘developmental patrimonialism’, a type of regime that achieves development without conforming to ‘good governance’ orthodoxy. This Research Report rejects that idea. Drawing links between the management of economic rents and the climate for business and investment, it shows that rent-management in Tanzania remains largely decentralised and undisciplined, with deleterious consequences for investors. The authors conclude that Tanzania is a case of ‘non-developmental patrimonialism’, and its regime is likely to face a mounting legitimacy crisis in coming years.
More on Tanzania: the new APPP Background Papers listed below explore specific aspects of this Research Report:
APPP Background Paper 01, Public goods, rents and business in Tanzania, Brian Cooksey, June 2011
http://www.institutions-africa.org/fileinfo/20110606-appp-background-paper-01-public-goods-rents-and-business-in-tanzania-brian-cooksey-june-2011
Brian Cooksey’s paper examines rents, public goods and the investment and business environment in contemporary Tanzania. It is based on a review of the academic literature, government, international development agency and media reports, and interviews with a wide range of respondents.
APPP Background Paper 02, The investment and business environment for export horticulture in northern Tanzania, Brian Cooksey, June 2011
http://www.institutions-africa.org/fileinfo/20110606-appp-background-paper-02-the-investment-and-business-environment-for-export-horticulture-in-northern-tanzania-brian-cooksey-june-2011
Although the investment and business environment places serious obstacles in the way of potential investors, foreign investment in Tanzania reached record levels prior to the global credit crisis of 2008-09, driven primarily by investments in gold mining and other minerals, and tourism. This report focuses on Tanzania’s commercial flower, cuttings and seed companies (‘export horticulture’) and asks whether the obstacles to foreign investment might be neutralised by other factors.
The research looks at access to land and water rights, other determinants of investment in horticulture, and the factors influencing profitability.


APPP Background Paper 03, The investment and business environment for gold exploration and mining in Tanzania, Brian Cooksey, June 2011
http://www.institutions-africa.org/fileinfo/20110606-appp-background-paper-03-the-investment-and-business-environment-for-gold-exploration-and-mining-in-tanzania-brian-cooksey-june-2011
Despite serious shortages of human capital and inadequate economic infrastructure and regulation, Tanzania has managed to attract unprecedented amounts of foreign direct investment (FDI) during the last fifteen years. Yet, despite tax and other official investment incentives, the large foreign mining companies (FMCs) have received a hostile reception by the Tanzanian public at both local and national levels. NGOs have campaigned against FMCs on perceived human rights violations while political and media commentary are almost unanimous in denouncing FMCs for not paying taxes. This report examines the factors that influence FDI and local investment in gold exploration and mining.
Dear Ayoub,
RE: Communities of Faith, agents of change: How the Diaspora can transform Africa’s

Development

I am writing on behalf of a Royal African Society programme entitled Africa-UK which seeks to increase dialogue between the UK based African Diaspora and UK Policy makers.

Faith Communities have impacted poverty alleviation in Africa through their various NGOs and similar bodies and much of this work is on-going. However, research has identified that a good proportion of the support offered tends to be on the short term.

On Thursday 30th June we are organising a meeting on the role of faith organisations in development – focusing particularly on how Faith Communities in the Diaspora can engage with job and wealth creation and support enterprise, impacting development in Africa. The meeting will take place between 6pm – 8.30pm in the CPA/IPU room in the Houses of Parliament.

The audience will be made up of the African Diaspora members of Faith Communities, Policy makers and friends of Africa. Please circulate this information to your networks to encourage their participation. It is however important for participants to email as below to confirm attendance.

Please confirm your attendance so we can email to you the official confirmation.

Please email your confirmation to: odonoghuea@parliament.uk

Yours Sincerely

Anna Vanderpuye Owunne

ROYAL AFRICAN SOCIETY

Thursday, 23 June 2011

responsible tourism

Did you know that responsible tourism is a better way to see the world? Not only do you get a more authentic experience, but your holiday benefits local people and the environment.And this is exactly what i did when i visited the war ravaged area of Northern Uganda which is now experiencing regeneration


Responsible tourism can apply to any type of holiday, from a luxury beach villa to a volunteering project. Responsible tourism simply means holidays that care about local communities & culture as well as wildlife conservation & the environment.




When we visit beautiful places it's natural to want our holidays to have a positive impact on local people and their environments




Having a dance with the local Acholi Troupe

Responsible travel is about more authentic holiday experiences that enable you to get a little bit more out of your travels, and give a little bit more back to destinations and local people. All holidays have positive and negative impacts locally.


Responsible travel maximises the benefits, and minimises the negative effects of tourism.








Reduce your carbon emissions
We believe you should reduce the amount you fly, rather than flying the same as before and offsetting.



Simple ways to do this -
Take fewer and longer holidays
Take some holidays closer to home
Travel by train and public transport where possible
Book direct flights avoiding transfers
Use public transport in destinations where possible . You can even walk any way



Im even being more responsible by having a swim with my shirt on!!!


while on holiday
Buy local produce in preference to imported goods
Hire a local guide - you'll discover more about local culture and lives, and they will earn an income
Do not buy products made from endangered species, hard woods or ancient artefacts
Respect local cultures, traditions and holy places - if in doubt ask advice or don't visit
Use public transport, hire a bike or walk when convenient - its a great way to meet local people on their terms and reduce pollution and carbon emissions
Use water sparingly - its very precious in many countries and tourists tend to use far more than local people
Remember that local people have different ways of thinking and concepts of time, this just makes them different not wrong - cultivate the habit of asking questions (rather than the Western habit of knowing the answers). For
Flying = one of the fastest growing sources of CO2 Responsible tourism overseas helps sustain livelihoods, support local communities and conserve the world's natural and cultural heritage. In many developing countries responsible tourism is a powerful tool in poverty reduction. We are passionate advocates of all these benefits of responsible overseas tourism and yet we must acknowledge that flying contributes to global warming. In fact, global warming poses a severe threat to those things that responsible travellers hold most dear - local communities and environments around the world. Did you know? One long-haul return flight can produce more carbon dioxide per passenger than the average UK motorist in one year?





With the locl tour guide and game warden






Murchison Falls National Park is one the most important national parks of the country. Established in 1952, the park is home to large varieties of wildlife. In addition, the park’s attractiveness to tourists is enhanced by its very natural and scenic green landscapes. The park’s attractions include game drives, bird watching and the scenic boat rides. In particular, the park offers game viewing of indigenous wildlife including African forest elephants, lions, giraffes, African buffalos, bushbucks, kobs, crocodiles, waterbucks, kongonis, oribis, bohor reedbucks, baboons, warthogs and a variety of monkey species. Murchison falls is also one of the most important attractions in the park.The park’s infrastructure includes Sarova Paraa Lodge, Nile Safari Camp, Sambiya River Lodge, Paraa Rest Camp etc


During the war , you could nt find such life along the Gulu ampala road as most of the opele were either displaced or in internal displaced camps. Life has now returned to normal


Here is Chobe safari lodge . This place was a no go area during the Joseph Kony LRA war. Its now open to Tourism and benefitng locals in terms of employment.
One of Chobe Safari Lodges original accommodation types, the traditional thatched rondavels are independently positioned, with ceiling fans and en-suite bathrooms. These detached units are positioned close to the river in the lodge gardens.


before you book your holidayChoose a responsible operator
Ask to see the tour operator's policy for responsible tourism.





One of Chobe Safari Lodges original accommodation types, the trditional thatched rondavels are independently positioned, with ceiling fans and en-suite bathrooms. These detached units are positioned close to the river in the lodge gardens.





This is Karuma.Districts in Northern Uganda, through which the River Nile passes, have not yet fully maximized the tourism potential available to them. This is most noticeable around the stunning Karuma Falls.The Karuma Falls are located at the south of the Murchison Falls National Park, just at the border of Masindi, Amuru and Oyam districts. The parkland around it boasts a wide range of birds, antelopes, lions, elephants, giraffes, baboons, monkeys and buffalos.The falls are a place of numerous investment possibilities. However the word Karuma is still synonymous, for some, with a history of civil strive, warfare and death. During the Lord's Resistance Army war, the bridge over the Karuma Falls was the point at which travelers moved from peace to insecurity. For government forces, the goal for many years was to make sure that the rebels didn't make it across the bridge into the south.Now that peace has returned to Northern Uganda, some people, like me are venturing into the Karuma Falls Game Reserve.It is now safe




The Young African Women Note
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC

June 21, 2011


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


The U.S. Department of State, the U.S. Embassy in South Africa, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and the White House are sponsoring the Young African Women Leaders Forum, a two-day workshop and conference in South Africa for women across the continent. The Young African Women Leaders Forum builds on existing partnerships with African youth and African women, as part of the Administration’s commitment to enhanced engagement with the people of Africa and the governments of African nations. On June 22, 2011, First Lady Michelle Obama will address the Forum, and participate in the discussion and service activities with 76 young women leaders - 44 from South Africa and 32 from 23 other African countries.

The African women leaders range in age from 16 to 30 and represent the fields of education, health, civil society, business, and the media. U.S. embassies in Africa in coordination with USAID, African organizations, delegates to the August 2010 President’s Forum with Young African Leaders in Washington, and the White House selected the participants. They will explore opportunities in education, entrepreneurship, and health to empower young women as leaders of social, economic and political development on the continent. Through the Forum, we are working to expand the network among young African women and to strengthen our partnerships with civil society, business and governments in Africa. To expand the discussion of young women’s leadership, the Africa Bureau of the Department of State has dedicated its Facebook page to a discussion of these themes, challenges and solutions. By creating a platform for a focused conversation around the Forum and the First Lady’s trip to southern Africa, we hope to facilitate networking among Africans and between Africans and Americans. We invite you to visit http://www.facebook.com/DOSAfricanAffairs.

Part of the sustained effort by the United States to understand the aspirations of young Africans and learn how we can become better partners to build a more just, democratic and prosperous future for all the people of Africa, this Forum follows on the August 2010 President's Forum with Young African Leaders in Washington, DC, the many programs hosted by U.S. embassies in Africa throughout the year, and the month-long Dialogue with Young African Leaders that produced more than 200 programs in 37 countries in Africa during May 2011. Working with African civil society, business and government, the U.S. Government seeks to use these activities to give young Africans a platform from which to express their values and aspirations. Looking forward to the African Union Summit June 30-July 1, 2011, we support the values of the African Union Youth Charter and will continue to work across the continent to further those goals.

More information can be found at: http://www.state.gov/p/af/rls/fs/2011/166609.htm

Wednesday, 22 June 2011

BBC 's curt Barling was at BEN TV head office to meet with the Company's chief excecutive Dr Alistair Soyode




He is reasearching on How the BBC can work together on programs that are of our communities' interest. His main focus is on issues of child abuse and trafficking





BBC london correspondent Kurt Barling with ayoub mzee




THE CASE OF BAE -TANZANIA


The tanzania High commissioner chairing a meeting of Tanzania MP s with their development partners at the mission . The meeting is about how BAE wil pay Tanzania as a result of a sale of a Radar that was not fit for purpose

Campaign Against Arms Trade and The Corner House withdrew their application for a judicial review of the 5 February 2010 decision by the Serious Fraud Office (SFO) to enter a controversial plea bargain settlement with BAE Systems and to drop "conspiracy to corrupt" charges against a BAE former agent. They concluded they were unable to appeal against the 22 March 2010 refusal by a High Court judge to grant permission to bring the legal challenge. Nonetheless, both CAAT and The Corner House will continue to raise questions about the settlement and the process leading up to it.

Legal letter withdrawing judicial review application




The Tanzania high commissioner HE. Peter Kallaghe having a chat with represetaive from Campaign against arms Trade and the corner house.Corner House has aimed to support democratic and community movements for environmental and social justice, whether they are locally-based struggles for land or water rights or better health care; campaigns against destructive mining, dam or forestry projects; or struggles against racial discrimination. They pay constant attention to questions of social, economic and political power and practical strategy and try to take a "bottom-up" approach, informed by actual cases, to issues of global significance that are often handled in a more abstract way. As part of their solidarity work, The Corner House carries out analyses, research and advocacy with the aim of linking issues, stimulating informed discussion and strategic thought and encouraging broad alliances.


Lawyers acting for Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) and The Corner House lodged papers on 26 February 2010 at the High Court in London asking for an injunction to delay the UK's Serious Fraud Office (SFO) from seeking court approval for its controversial plea bargain settlement with BAE Systems pending the outcome of a Judicial Review. They lodged papers requesting the Judicial Review at the same time.





TANZANIA

In 2001 BAE sold a £28million Watchman air traffic control system to Tanzania, one of the world's poorest countries. The sale was funded through a loan from Barclays Bank. The deal was backed by then Prime Minister Tony Blair, but opposed by his International Development Secretary Clare Short, who, though she had no evidence, said she did not think the contract "could have been made cleanly". In 2002 the International Civil Aviation Organisation said the system used dated technology and was not adequate for civil aviation. Norman Lamb MP, who compiled a dossier on the deal, said a modern system could have been provided for 10% of the cost.

The documents released as part of the December 2010 UK plea bargain hearing, see above, revealed what had happenned. In October 1999, an agreement was drawn up between two companies controlled by BAE and two under the control of BAE's Tanzanian agent Sailesh Vithlani - one called Marlin International Ltd and the other, the Envers Trading Corporation. Merlin was a Tanzanian company and under the agreement was to receive 1% of the contract price from BAE itself; Envers, based in Panama, received 30% of the contract price via Red Diamond. The total paid was approximately $12.4million.

An international arrest warrant was issued for Sailesh Vithlani in August 2007 and a criminal case has been filed in Tanzania charging him with perjury and lying under oath in connection with the radar deal. He is said to have been in Europe and reports say he was interrogated by the SFO in July 2009.

In April 2008, Andrew Chenge, Tanzania's Infrastructure Minister, who had been Attorney General at the time of the radar purchase, resigned following claims regarding £500,000 in a Jersey bank account. He does not dispute the money's existence, but denies it came from BAE. One report alleges that Sailesh Vithlani sent a copy of a legal opinion by Andrew Chenge to Barclays stating that the purchase would not make Tanzania ineligible for International Monetary Fund loans.

It was reported in May 2011 that BAE had set up a committee of six people, three of them BAE employees, to decide how the £29.5million payment agreed as part of the UK plea bargain should be spent. The Tanzanian and, allegedly, the UK governments were said to be unhappy about this and thought the money should go to the Tanzanian government.

Tuesday, 21 June 2011


MEMBERS OF THE TANZANIA PARLIAMENT WHO ARE IN LONDON TO ON A FACT FINDING MISSION ON HOW TANZANIA SHOULD BE PAID THEIR MONEY OWED BY BAE


AYOUB MZEE with Tanzania MP Angellah Kariuki Vice Chair person of constitutional , legal and Good Governance committee who are in London on a fact finding mission pn how BAE should pay tanzania money





The panel of Tanzania Mps led by the Tanzania Deputy speaker of parliament Hon Job Ndingai posing with a group of NGOs who are the fore front of the Tanzania Bae case







In early 2011, the International Development Committee of the House of Commons (the lower house of the UK’s parliament) announced an Inquiry into Financial Crime and Development. The inquiry’s premise is that “financial crimes undermine development when public money is diverted from necessary legitimate expenditure programmes in order to enrich private individuals.”

Its example was that of BAE Systems, convicted in December 2010 of failing to keep proper books and records in relation to the sale of an air traffic control system to Tanzania. BAE agreed to pay £29.5 million for the benefit of the people of Tanzania, an amount representing the price of the sale minus the company’s fine of £500,000




This Corner House submission states that those found guilty in the UK of financial crimes in developing countries should be required by the court to make reparations, which are more than simply financial payments. The evidence stresses that BAE’s proposed payment for the benefit of the people of Tanzania is not reparations, compensation or damages, but simply a refund a decade later of money paid for goods that were not fit for purpose. The UK court did not require BAE to make any payments; the agreement to do so is solely between the SFO and the company.






The submission stresses that reparations and payments must be completely separated from fines, confiscation orders, sentences and other penalties for financial crimes. It states that BAE should have no say over this payment.

To ensure that the payment is used for the benefit of the people of Tanzania, many questions need to be asked and wider advice sought in a transparent decision-making process. In general, the UK authorities need to give further thought to carrying out reparations and payments without contributing to the problems that triggered the crime in the first place.

Evidence was also submitted to this Inquiry by Campaign Against Arms Trade, Christian Aid, Global Witness, Transparency International (UK), Tearfund and CAFOD, DfID, SFO and BAE Systems



Campaign Against Arms Trade and The Corner House are challenging the blanket immunity from prosecution given by the Serious Fraud Office (SFO) to BAE Systems as part of its February 2010 plea bargain settlement with the company.

The immunity clause states that:

"There shall be no further investigations or prosecutions of any member of the BAE Systems Plc group for any conduct preceding 5 February 2010."

Solicitors Leigh Day & Co (acting for the two groups) have written to the SFO Director arguing that this clause should be quashed.

The immunity covers any criminal conduct, including that unrelated to bribery, corruption and serious fraud and including that not disclosed by BAE to the SFO. It is not limited to the alleged bribery that the SFO had been investigating.






This clause became public only when the terms of the SFO's BAE settlement agreement were read out in open court on 21 December 2010 by Mr Justice Bean. In his highly critical judgment of the "loosely and perhaps hastily drafted agreement", Justice Bean stated:

"I am surprised to find a prosecutor granting a blanket indemnity for all offences committed in the past, whether disclosed or otherwise."

In exchange for securing this immunity, BAE pleaded guilty to a relatively minor accounting offence in its complex scheme of offshore companies used to pass and make payments relating to its supply of a radar system to Tanzania.





The legal letter states that "no public prosecutor . . . could properly enter into a settlement agreement guaranteeing immunity in respect of serious criminal offences of which it was entirely unaware."

If BAE has disclosed all relevant conduct to the SFO, however, there is no reason for the immunity clause. "The inference must be that BAE still has something to hide, of which the SFO is currently unaware," says the letter.

In these circumstances, the two groups state that "it is impossible to understand how the public interest is served" by the "exceptional, unusual and entirely unnecessary" immunity clause.






Update 25 February 2011

The SFO accepted (on 19 January 2011) that the agreement was not well drafted, and both BAE and the SFO accepted that they will interpret the settlement agreement very narrowly, particularly Paragraph 8 stating "There shall be no further investigations or prosecutions of any member of the BAE Systems Plc group for any conduct preceding 5 February 2010." BAE’s lawyers stated (on 22 February 2011):

". . . we confirm that our client would not dispute that paragraph 8 should properly be interpreted as meaning that the SFO will not prosecute our client's group in relation to matters which were the subject of its investigations or of which the SFO was otherwise aware before the date of the settlement."

On this basis, both groups decided not to pursue the matter further as these replies achieved the substance of what we were asking for: BAE has not been given blanket immunity.







In sentencing BAE, Mr Justice Bean said (paragraph 5):

"The Settlement Agreement is, with respect, loosely and perhaps hastily drafted. In paragraph 6 "any person" is not defined, and paragraph 10 is not, at least expressly, confined to conduct preceding the agreement. But the heart of the matter is paragraph 8, whereby the SFO agreed that there would be "no further investigation or prosecutions of any member of the BAE Systems Group for any conduct preceding 5 February 2010." It is relatively common for a prosecuting authority to agree not to prosecute a defendant in respect of specified crimes which are admitted and listed in the agreement: this is done, for example, where the defendant is an informer who will give important evidence against co-defendants. But I am surprised to find a prosecutor granting a blanket indemnity for all offences committed in the past, whether disclosed or otherwise. The US Department of Justice did not do so in this case: it agreed not to prosecute further for past offences which had been disclosed to it."


















































TANZANIA MPS IN LONDON ON BAE PAYMENT CASE
By Ayoub mzee -London
Today a group of Tanzania all party parliamentarians visited Britain as a part of a fact find mission on how the people of Tanzania will get their money as a result of a ruling in a case where the Arms company BAE Systems which pleaded guilty at a Cfrown Court in London to minor charges of false accounting relating to its controversial sale of military radar equipment to Tanzania in 1999.This group led by the Deputy speaker Hon Job Ndugai Mp comprised of Hon. Mussa Zungu MP Angelah Kairuki MP, John Cheyo MP, Ms Justina Shauri from the Parliament of Tanzania ,Grace Shangali ,assistant Director of Europe and America Department , Assah Mambene , Head of information -Foreign Affairs and Olivia Maboko ,desk officer (UK) at the Department of Europe and America The sale has been surrounded by allegations of corruption.
During the court ruling it was stated that that British Aerospace Defense Systems Limited failed:
"to keep accounting records which were sufficient to show and explain payments made pursuant to (a) a contract between Red Diamond Trading Limited and Envers Trading Corporation, (b) a further contract between British Aerospace (Operations) Limited and Merlin International Limited." Under the settlement, BAE pleaded guilty to not accounting accurately for $12.4m of payments made between 1999 and 2005 to a Tanzania-based businessman, Shailesh Vithlani, for his work as a marketing agent in helping to secure a £28 million radar contract from the Government of Tanzania in 1999.
Mr Justice Bean said he accepted "there is no evidence that BAE was party to an agreement to corrupt". But pointed out that they "did not need to be" because the company had deliberately structured the payments to the agent via an offshore company controlled by BAE to another Panama-based company controlled by Mr Vithlani so that they were placed “at two or three removes from any shady activity”.
Moreover, in the basis of the plea accompanying the agreement, BAE admitted the following:
"Although it is not alleged that BAE plc was party to an agreement to corrupt, there was a high probablility that part of the $12.4 million [paid to the Tanzania agent] would be used in the negotiation process to favour British Aerospace Defence Systems Ltd."
As Mr Justice Bean said of this high probability:
"indeed there was. Otherwise it is inexplicable . . . why the payments . . . exceeded $12m; and even more inexplicable why 97% of that money should have been channelled via . . . an offshore company controlled by BAE, and paid to . . . another offshore company controlled by Mr Vithlani."
The problem is that BAE has decline to pay the people of Tanzania the said sum citing corruption. Intead it has set up A panel of advisory board on Tanzania which will be chaired by Lord Cairns. Philippa Foster Back, OBE will serve as Deputy Chair. .This panel will advise them on how to pay Tanzania
















Monday, 20 June 2011

Kikuyu PCEA Dialysis Unit now a reality – Free -affordable Kidney
transplant coming soon.
By Macharia gakuru


Last week I had a very nice dream. I was swimming in River Ragati in Karatina, central Kenya very
near the village of Giakaibei. My old boy and school friends had just finished fishing a
famous fish called ‘Gateru,’ famous for its two long beard like look.
We had just eaten our catch by roasting on fire lit in tinned banners
called ‘nugi’ that were very effective when it was cold as we grazed
the goats just by the banks of the river Ragati.
We then unclothed stuck naked as the day we were born and jumped in
the rivers to swim. As I came up in the water as I gulp for air I
woke up. I looked at the wall clock. I was late for work and drawing
the curtains it was raining heavily.


I was so disappointed to find that I was still in the UK and I was
going out in the rain leaving the comfort of my bed and the beautiful
dream of my youth when everything worked with no care in the world.
But that dream of us fishing was not true. The dream that had become
true two years this May 2011 is that for patients with end kidney
failure there is a chance for them to live again a normal life as the
dialysis unit at Kikuyu PCEA Hospital is now open with Ultra modern
haemodialysis machines from one of the best dialysis manufactures –
Fresenius of Germany.


I was in the Frisk ward at Kings College Hospital Denmark Hill in May
2008. Nobody knew what was to come of me. In fact with all the
monitoring available in this private room I was to visitors I must say
probably they felt there were chances I was to live or die. And in any
case who knows, when you are admitted in a hospital you may live or
your health may deteriorate and die.


The evening came and as it is at the moment the Deputy Secretary
General of PCEA Rev Francis Njoroge was in town. Him accompanied with
Rev Kibathi came to see me and say a word of prayer. This was just the
beginning of a transformation to my second life. For the next one year
I was to be on dialysis as my kidney had totally failed to clean my
blood.


I did not recognise then what was the magnitude of this ‘Tornado’ or
if you like ‘Tsunami’ that had hit me. It swept away all I liked and
wanted to be. What I valued and stood for and in brought a new dawn, a new me.


It is only now two years on that I look back and see the extent of
what could have gone wrong and appreciate the changes that have come
or I find deep in me that I realise I am not the same person that was.
Coming to think of it, many in Kenya and more so East Africa, among
the poor or even well up if you have kidney failure you will die. You
will have a slow death which may last about a month. You with swell
your feet in fluid and finally you will drown in your own fluids and
toxic waste with a total organs failure. Then a sudden death!
Then the gossip will fill the air. Some will say he was killed by
AIDS other he was bewitched while a some of Christians will point to
a book that I have written ‘Deya and the Miracle Babies.’ They will
quote the bible verses and say, ‘Macharia wa Gakuru was punished by
God.’ Some may pride in this but man is not God. Men and women the
power of life and death is not in our hands.
The family will mourn for months and my children will grow without
their birth father, Friends will mourn and keep me in their short
memory before as many others before have come and gone. Thank God
that this was not me. My kidney failure meant life to many kidney
patients even long after i am buried and for this i am grateful to
God.
As I sat on the bed at the end of Frisk ward in the first floor at
Kings Hospital I did not see the seriousness of kidney failure.
Then the consultant explained, ‘you have a renal failure and it means
for the rest of your life you have to e on dialysis unless you get a
kidney donor. This is a long way off even if you have a donor today
there is a medical process to follow.’
‘What do you mean doctor?’ I asked her.
‘It means each week you will have to come to the hospital there times
to have your blood cleaned by an external mechanical kidney if you
have to live.’
This still to me did not register as being a serious issue of life and
death. I looked around and from nowhere a thought came, ‘Doctor I
know what I can do with this!’ I exclaimed confidently as though
nothing serious had happened to me, ‘I can help many in Kenya who do
not have the medical privileges that I do have. I can help establish
dialysis Units in East Africa.’
‘Look you have to look after yourself first before anyone else then
when you are well you can help others,’ she replied expressing her
position that probably I did not realise what kidney failure meant.
When I left the hospital I scaled down my work and found a lot of time
in my hands. I wrote hundreds of letter asking for donations for
dialysis machines. I could not get a breakthrough. I wrote also to the
Minister of health in Kenya Professor Anyang Nyongo expressing my
desire and asking if I could help.
I with a group of good friend Dr Antony Githari and a few others who I
am grateful for their contribution were given the first breakthrough
by the good professor. He wrote to us giving us eight provincial
hospitals to equip with dialysis machines. Unfortunately he went quite
following the ministry’s bureaucracy.
It was Rev Njoroge the man who prayed for me that a breakthrough came.
By then the Germany company had listened to my story and the proposal
we had and they were willing to act on it. Kikuyu PCEA Hospital was
willing to accept to have the machines.
As the dream was to run the dialysis units all over east Africa for
free, this dream will happen. Rome was not build in a day. Just as
people are getting more aware and interested in good health, the
government is also putting some effort in making health affordable
through the NHIF.
But we want Kikuyu PCEA Hospital dialysis unit to be equally as good as
its eye clinic and other services that are offered at the hospital
which are know all over the East Africa region.


I am confident in saying that the Kidney patients in Kikuyu hospital
with have an added service. With the help and support of the Moderator
Rev Njoroge and the management board of the Kikuyu PCEA hospital God
had been kind to us. They made my dream come true. And not just that,
we are in discussion with willing partners here in the UK - surgeons,
and medical professions to have kidney transplants in the hospital for
free in the coming months. In fact this will happen as the hospital
has already prepared and modernised its ICU, theatres and also the
oxygen plant.


Please it is our time to give back to our communities where we came
from. Kenya is changing and changing first. If you are in your holiday
why not visit the school near you or even your former school and
inspire the children, why not visit the hospital and buy a blood
pressure machine for them or even a children’s home near you? Do your
bit to change the life’s around you.


Finally my second life has been the best and the most a wonderful time
I have ever had. God took all I cared for away. I enjoy what I do, how
I do it and I worry less, careless even when things do not go
according to my expectation. Life is for living, enjoy it.




On Thu, Jun 16, 2011 at 12:58 PM, bethuel mwaura wrote:

To you all great dads

Mwaura

----- Forwarded Message -----
From: "webmaster@ucb.co.uk"
To: bwmwaura2001@yahoo.com
Sent: Wednesday, June 15, 2011 5:41 AM
Subject: UCB Word For Today - Characteristics of a Great Dad (1)


Help us to send The Word for Today
to more people



15 Jun 2011
Characteristics of a Great Dad (1)
...we loved you so much... 1 Thessalonians 2:8
Becoming a great dad calls for a man having a close relationship with his heavenly Father. Applying the principles Paul used when fathering his spiritual children can equip you to become a great dad. Speaking to his 'children,' Paul demonstrates the warmth of a mother and the muscle of a father (see 1 Thessalonians 2:7-11). For the next few days, let's observe some of Paul's fathering principles: Making them feel loved. 'We loved you so much.' Paul chose a seldom-used Greek word for love, not the usual word for unconditional love or brotherly affection. The word he used meant a strong, warm, spontaneous magnetism-an endearing term used normally with a very young child. Why would Paul speak this way to adults? Because the need to be loved is one we never outgrow! He wanted them to feel loved. The Bible says: '...the greatest of these is love' (1 Corinthians 13:13 NKJV). Dad, more than anything else, that is what your children need from you and it doesn't have a thing to do with their age; they need it as much in adulthood as they did in childhood. Your adolescent will probably cringe if you're affectionate with them around their peers, but deep inside they'll appreciate it. And it has nothing to do with their gender. Both sexes need to feel loved. Your teenage daughter is likely to return your hugs and words, while your teenage son will probably roll his eyes and grunt inarticulately. Love them anyhow, until they're old enough to tell you how good it felt!
Bible in a Year: 2 Kings 21-23; Mark 14:1-11; Ps 73:1-16; Pr 13:17-19;

Sunday, 19 June 2011

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
“TO EDUCATE A GIRL” IS A MOVING LOOK AT THE GLOBAL
ISSUE OF EQUAL ACCESS TO EDUCATION FOR GIRLS
www.toeducateagirl.com
In 2000, 110 million children in the world were not in school—two thirds of them
were girls. In 2010, filmmakers Frederick Rendina and Oren Rudavsky traveled to
Nepal and Uganda, two countries emerging from conflict and struggling with
poverty, to find the answer to one question: What does it take to educate a girl?
Framed by the United Nations global initiative to provide equal access to education
for girls by 2015, To Educate a Girl takes a ground-up and visually stunning view of
that effort through the eyes of girls out of school, starting school or fighting
against the odds to stay in school.
In Nepal, Manisha, a teenager who works in the fields while her three younger
sisters go to school, is contrasted by three young listeners of a hugely popular
youth-oriented radio program. We learn how the program has helped them deal
with issues of early marriage and poverty in order to stay in school.
In Uganda, we meet Mercy, the six-year-old daughter of an impoverished single
mother who is about to embark on her first day of school, and Sarah, a teenage
war orphan who is haunted by a tragic past but still managing to study.
From volunteers going door to door in southern Nepal to a “back to school” march
that brings an entire community together in northern Uganda, a stirring picture of
grassroots efforts to help girls get a decent education is brought to light. To
Educate a Girl is a compelling look at the lives of young women who are striving to
achieve their dreams in the face of conflict, poverty and gender bias.
Produced, Written and Directed by FREDERICK RENDINA & OREN RUDAVSKY
Cinematography by FREDERICK RENDINA & OREN RUDAVSKY
Edited by ADRIENNE HASPEL Original Music by ANTHONY TIDD
Featured Vocals Performed by SOMI
Running Time: 70 minutes Aspect Ratio: 16:9
Optional Introduction and End Comments by
Her Majesty QUEEN RANIA AL ABDULLAH of Jordan,
Global Chair, United Nations Girls’ Education Initiative
www.toeducateagirl.com

Saturday, 18 June 2011



AFRICA UNION OPPOSES NATO ATTACKS ON LIBYA
AT a meeting between the UN Security Council and the African Union High Level Ad hoc Committee on Libya on June 15, Dr Ruhakana Rugunda, Uganda’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations gave the African Union’s stand on NATO’s invasion of Libya. Below is the full statement

Mr. President,

1 . Thank you for organising this interactive dialogue. It is good that the United Nations Security Council has met the African Union (AU) Mediation Committee (High-Level Ad hoc Committee on Libya) so that we can exchange views on the situation in Libya in a candid manner. This should have happened much earlier because Libya is a founding member of the AU.

An attack on Libya or any other member of the African Union without express agreement by the AU is a dangerous provocation that should be avoided given the relaxed international situation in the last 20 years since the release of Nelson Mandela from jail and the eventual freedom of South Africa.

2. The UN is on safer ground if it confines itself on maintaining international peace and deterring war among member states.

3 . Intervening in internal affairs of States should be avoided except where there is proof of genocide or imminent genocide as happened in Rwanda or against the Jews in Germany and the European countries that were occupied by the Third Reich.

4. There are differences on the issue of Libya as to whether there was proof of genocide or intended genocide. Fighting between Government troops and armed insurrectionists is not genocide. It is civil war.

It is the attack on unarmed civilians with the aim of exterminating a particular group that is genocide – to exterminate the genes of targeted groups such as the Jews, Tutsis, etc. It is wrong to characterise every violence as genocide or imminent genocide so as to use it as a pretext for the undermining of the sovereignty of States.

Certainly, sovereignty has been a tool of emancipation of the peoples of Africa who are beginning to chart transformational paths for most of the African countries after centuries of predation by the slave trade, colonialism and neo-colonialism.

Careless assaults on the sovereignty of African Countries are, therefore, tantamount to inflicting fresh wounds on the destiny of the African peoples. If foreign invasions, meddlings, interventions, etc, were a source of prosperity, then, Africa should be the richest continent in the world because we have had all versions of all that: slave trade, colonialism and neo-colonialism. Yet, Africa has been the most wretched on account of that foreign meddling.

5 . Whatever the genesis of the intervention by NATO in Libya, the AU called for dialogue before the UN resolutions 1970 and 1973 and after those Resolutions.

Ignoring the AU for three months and going on with the bombings of the sacred land of Africa has been high-handed, arrogant and provocative. This is something that should not be sustained.

To a discerning mind, such a course is dangerous. It is unwise for certain players to be intoxicated with technological superiority and begin to think they alone can alter the course of human history towards freedom for the whole of mankind. Certainly, no constellation of states should think that they can recreate hegemony over Africa.

6. The safer way is to use the ability to talk, to resolve all problems.

7 . The UN or anybody acting on behalf of the UN must be neutral in relation to the internal affairs of states. Certainly, that should be the case with respect to African countries. The UN should not take sides in a civil war. The UN should promote dialogue, peaceful resolution of conflicts, and help in enforcing agreements arrived at after negotiations such as the agreement on the Sudan.

8. Regardless of the genesis of the Libyan problem, the correct way forward now is dialogue without pre-conditions. The demand by some countries that Col. Muammar Gadaffi must go first before the dialogue is incorrect. Whether Gadaffi goes or stays is a matter for the Libyan people to decide. It is particularly wrong when the demand for Gadaffi’s departure is made by outsiders.

9 . In order for dialogue, without pre-conditions, to take place, we need a ceasefire in place that should be monitored by the AU troops among others. This will help the AU to confirm the veracity of the stories of Gadaffi killing civilians intentionally.

10 . That dialogue should agree on the way forward in the direction of introducing competitive politics. Gadaffi thinks he has the most democratic system in the world of people’s authority, elected local committees. Since so much chaos in Libya has emerged on the issue, Gadaffi should see the wisdom of accepting competitive democracy.

Gadaffi cannot ignore the fact that the rebels took over Benghazi and his authority melted away before NATO came in to confuse the picture. The pre-NATO uprising in Benghazi was, mainly, internal. Gadaffi may say that they were organised by Al Qaeda. Even if that is so, it is a fact that some Libyans in Benghazi threw out Gadaffi’s authority. Therefore, Gadaffi must think of and agree to reforms, resulting into competitive politics.

11 . A transitional mechanism could, then, be worked out and competitive elections would take place after an agreed timetable.

12 . What about security for the opposition members? We have plenty of experience on such issues. What did we do in Burundi? We provided a protection force (a brigade) for the Hutu leaders who were living outside Burundi or were in the bush. One of them is now the President of Burundi after winning democratic elections.

13. How about those who are alleged to have committed war crimes – including Gadaffi and the rebels? Again, our decision in Burundi is useful here. We used the concept of “immunité provisoire” (provisional immunity), for all the stakeholders so that they could participate in the dialogue. After peace is realised, then a Truth and Reconciliation body could be set up to look into these matters. After democratic elections, trials of guilty parties can take place.

14. Long-term safety of everybody can be ensured by security sector reform and especially reform of the army, so that it takes orders from any elected President.

15 . The intervention in Libya was premised on the basis of protecting civilians and preventing further civilian deaths. However, the humanitarian situation in Libya remains serious and continues to get worse with continued hostilities.

Looking at how resolutions 1970 and 1973 are being implemented, the international community and the United Nations in particular, are being severely put to the test, as what is happening in Libya will undermine future efforts of the UN in the protection of civilians. There is, therefore, no need for any war-like activities in Libya because there is a peaceful way forward.

There has been no need for these war activities, ever since Gadaffi accepted dialogue when the AU mediation Committee visited Tripoli on April 10, 2011. Any war activities after that have been provocation for Africa. It is an unnecessary war. It must stop.

16. The story that the rebels cannot engage in dialogue unless Gadaffi goes away does not convince us. If they do not want dialogue, then, let them fight their war with Gadaffi without NATO bombing. Then, eventually, a modus vivendus will emerge between the two parties or one of them will be defeated. The attitude of the rebels shows us the danger of external involvement in internal affairs of African countries.

The externally sponsored groups neglect dialogue and building internal consensus and, instead, concentrate on winning external patrons. This cannot be in the interest of that country. Mobutu’s Congo as well as performance of all the other neo-colonies of Africa in the 1960s, 1970s, 1980s and their eventual collapse in the 1990s prove that foreign sponsored groups are of no value to Africa.

17 . It is essential that the UN Security Council works with the African Union to ensure that a ceasefire is immediately established with an effective and verifiable monitoring mechanism and dialogue embarked upon, leading to a political process including transitional arrangements and the necessary reforms. The crisis in Libya requires a political solution and not a military one; and the AU Road Map is the most viable option.

Finally, what is needed on the issue of Libya is a genuine partnership between the United Nations Security Council and the African Union. By working together we can find a lasting solution to the crisis in Libya.

I thank you.

Friday, 17 June 2011




Regarding Indian Government Protest Over Diplomatic Immunity


Taken Question
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC


Question Taken at the June 14, 2011 Daily Press Briefing

June 16, 2011


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


Question: [Regarding the February 8, 2011 detention of Ms. Krittika Biswas, daughter of Vice Consul, Indian Consulate General in New York], did State Department receive any official protest from the Indian Government?

Answer: Yes. The Indian Consulate General in New York sent a diplomatic note on February 9 asserting that Ms. Biswas’s arrest was a violation of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations.

The Indian Embassy also “lodge[d] a strong protest” of the arrest and detention of Ms. Biswas in a diplomatic note on April 13, when it advised the Department that the charges against Ms. Biswas had been withdrawn and her suspension from school had been withdrawn and expunged.

We have the utmost respect for India’s diplomatic and consular personnel and the tremendous work that they are doing in support of U.S.-Indian relations.

We value our partnership with India and attach great importance to the presence of Indian diplomatic and consular representatives in the United States, and we sympathize with Ms. Biswas and her family.

The family member of a consular officer, such as Ms. Biswas, does not enjoy immunity from arrest or from criminal or civil jurisdiction under the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations.
News
17 June 2011

BAE SYSTEMS FORMS ADVISORY BOARD ON TANZANIA

BAE Systems today announces the formation of an advisory board on Tanzania. The Board will be chaired by Lord Cairns. Philippa Foster Back, OBE will serve as Deputy Chair. Additional independent members will be appointed to the Board in due course with the agreement of the Chair and Deputy Chair. The Company will be represented on the Board by four senior executives; Philip Bramwell (Group General Counsel), Linda Hudson (President & CEO of BAE Systems, Inc), Charlotte Lambkin (Group Communications Director) and Lawrence Prior (Executive Vice President of Service Sectors for BAE Systems, Inc) who will act as the Executive Liaison members.

BAE Systems has made sustained efforts to become recognised as a leader in responsible business conduct. The formation of this Board forms part of this process and is in line with the settlement agreement with the Serious Fraud Office (SFO), approved by the Court in December 2010. As part of the settlement BAE Systems agreed to pay the sum of £29.5 million for the benefit of the people of Tanzania. The Company is now holding the sum as a fund in a treasury account and will confirm with the SFO the payments made from this account are consistent with the settlement agreement.

The independent members of the Advisory Board will guide the Company as to the optimum means of applying the £29.5 million for the benefit of the people of Tanzania in accordance with all applicable company polices. In addition to disbursements from the fund, the Company is willing to explore opportunities to enhance its overall contribution by utilising its advanced technological capabilities to maximise the effectiveness of projects supported by the fund.

Lord Cairns said: “I welcome the opportunity to Chair this Advisory Board. It provides us with a great opportunity to deploy this substantial fund in a way that will provide sustained benefit as Tanzania advances down the path to full development. I look forward to working with my fellow Board members, the company and others with relevant knowledge to deliver this important piece of work.”


Notes to editors

Advisory Board on Tanzania – biographies of Independent Members

Lord Cairns
An investment banker by profession, Lord Cairns has had a long and distinguished career in both the business and the voluntary sectors. He served as both CEO and Deputy Chairman of S G Warburg plc, Chairman of BAT Industries plc and Chairman of Allied Zurich.

He has also served as Chairman of the Charities Aid Foundation, Chairman of Voluntary Service Overseas, Chairman of the Overseas Development Institute and Chairman of the Commonwealth Business Council. He was a trustee of the Princess of Wales Memorial Fund.

Lord Cairns has extensive experience of Africa through many of the above. He was also for 10 years Chair of the Commonwealth Development Corporation which made substantial investments both in Tanzania and across other African countries. He was Chairman of the African mobile communications company Celtel International (which became Zain Africa BV). He is currently a board member of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation.


Philippa Foster Back, OBE
Philippa has 30 years of business experience, having begun her career at Citibank. Following nine years at Bowater, leaving as group treasurer, she became group finance director at DG Gardner Group, a training organisation. She joined Thorn EMI in 1993 as group treasurer until 2000. She was appointed Director of the Institute of Business Ethics (IBE) in 2001.

In connection with her IBE role she served on the Woolf Committee 2007/8 looking at ethical business practice in BAE Systems plc; and has been appointed to the Advisory Board of the Centre for Corporate Reputation at the Said Business School at Oxford University and consequently as a Visiting Fellow of the University.

She sits on the Boards of the Institute of Directors and of the Norfolk and Norwich University Foundation Trust Hospital, where she chairs the Audit Committee. She is also Chairman of the UK Antarctic Heritage Trust.

Philippa was awarded an OBE in the New Year Honours 2006 for services to the Ministry of Defence where she was a NED and chaired the Defence Audit Committee from 2002-2007. In July 2008 she was awarded the Marks & Spencer Sieff Award.


For more information, please contact:

Lindsay Walls, BAE Systems
Tel: +44 (0)1252 383074 Mob: +44 (0)7793427582
Lindsay.walls@baesystems.com

Leonie Foster, BAE Systems
Tel: +44 (0)1252 383777 Mob: +44 (0)7540 630168

Issued by:
BAE Systems, Farnborough, Hampshire GU14 6YU, UK
Tel: +44 (0) 1252 384719 Fax: +44 (0) 1252 383947
www.baesystems.com

110/2011











STATEMENT BY H.E. JAKAYA MRISHO KIKWETE, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA, DURING JOINT PRESS CONFERENCE WITH HON HILARY RODHAM CLINTON UNITED STATES SECRETARY OF STATE, DAR ES SALAAM, TANZANIA, 13 JUNE 2011.
-
Madam Secretary of State,
Let me begin by once again, saying how happy we are to welcome you to Tanzania. We are gratified and feel deeply honoured that you included Tanzania in your itinerary in Africa. Your visit speaks volumes about the state of our bilateral relations. In many ways the exchange of visits by officials of our two countries has contributed immensely to the development and consolidation of our relations. Tanzania and I have fond memories of the visit to Tanzania by former President George W. Bush and my three visits to the White House: two during President Bush’s time and one during President Barrack Obama’s administration. Tanzanians are now anxiously awaiting visit by President Obama. If he chooses to visit us, I promise that it will be the visit of a lifetime.


Tanzania Benefits:
Our countries have benefitted from our bilateral cooperation. Tanzania has received a lot of invaluable support from the US which has complemented our development efforts and continues to make a difference in improving the lives of Tanzanians. The list is long but let me mention few things.


In the health sector, through the support of the US Government thousands of Tanzanians, including women and children who would have died of diseases such as malaria, HIV/AIDS and TB are alive today. Thanks to the President’s Malaria Initiative, PEPFAR and other programmes. Through US support, deaths from malaria have been reduced by half from 120,000 deaths per annum to between 60,000 and 80,000 and malaria has almost been eliminated in Zanzibar. In the past, 40 per cent of outpatients in our hospitals used to be those suffering from malaria, today its only 20 percent. The gains made in reduction of under-five mortality rate mortality is very much a function of malaria and HIV/AIDS.


HIV/AIDS:
With the support of the US government through PEPFAR over 13 million Tanzanians have been counseled and voluntarily tested for HIV. Infection rate has declined from 18 per cent in the mid 1990s to 5.4 per cent to date. Those infected can now get the requisite care and treatment. Pregnant mothers who are HIV positive can now deliver children who are HIV free.


Education:
In education, let me thank President Barak Obama and you, Madame Secretary of State for delivering on two of my request I made when we met in Washington in May, 2009. I am pleased that we are getting science and mathematics teachers among the Peace Corps coming to Tanzania.


I am also grateful for the support in printing of science and mathematics text books for our secondary schools. We have already received 800,000 textbooks which have been distributed and 923 schools have benefited. Another 1,425,000 books are on the way. The availability of these textbooks plus support for teacher training will significantly reduce the shortage of books and go a long way towards improving the quality of education in Tanzania.


Millennium Challenge Account:
Through the Millennium Challenge Account a number of important roads are being built, water and electricity supply is being improved in Tanzania. When completed, these projects will benefit close to 8 million Tanzanians.


Counter Terrorism, Counter Narcotics and Piracy
Our two countries have been working together closely in the fight against terrorism, narcotics and piracy. We thank the US government for assisting our security organs in building capacity in this fight. There are tangible results. Tanzania has become a difficult place for perpetrators of these crimes to operate. We have apprehended a number of them and brought them to justice. I am pleased that you have agreed to continue cooperating in this area.


Money Well Spent:
Let me assure you Madam Secretary, United States tax payers money is well spent and is bearing the desired results of improving the living conditions of the people of Tanzania.


Future Cooperation:
We thank the US government for including Tanzania in two recent development initiatives of the Obama Administration: the US Partnership for Growth and Feed the Future Programme. This will enhance Tanzania’s capacity for comprehensive growth and ensure food security and nutrition for our people as well as the neighboring countries that depend on Tanzania as their source of food.


Cooperation on Regional and International issues
Tanzania and the US see eye to eye on a number of regional and international issues. We appreciate US leadership on global issues and promise to continue to work together for peace and development in Africa and the world. Once again let me welcome you and the members of your delegation to Dar-es-Salaam!


Now, I am passing the floor to you with pleasure.Email This
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Thursday, 16 June 2011

HILLARY CLINTON IN ZAMBIA


















AFRICA UNION DAY -DIPLOMATIC RECEIPTIONSierra leone and Namibia diplomats greeting , looking on is the sierra leone HOC

H.e Mr.Kanaki , the Namibia deputy High commissioner



Lesotho High commission diplomats


























The sierra leone high commission diplomats posimg with Uganda Diplomat mr Benard


















Mr Benard of Uganda High commission








Remarks at African Union


Remarks
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of StateAddis Ababa, Ethiopia

June 13, 2011


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------



SECRETARY CLINTON: Good afternoon. It is a great honor to join you here in Addis Ababa and to address the African Union. I want to thank Chairperson Ping, members of the African Union Commission, ambassadors to the AU, representatives of United Nations agencies, and, most of all, representatives of the nations and people of Africa. Thank you for the opportunity to be here with you. It is good to be back in Africa, and it is a singular honor to address this body.
During the past few days, I have traveled to Zambia, Tanzania, and now Ethiopia, meeting with leaders and citizens who are rising to meet challenges of all kinds with creativity, courage, and skill. And I am pleased to come to the African Union today as the first United States Secretary of State to address you, because I believe that in the 21st century, solving our greatest challenges cannot be the work only of individuals or individual nations. These challenges require communities of nations and peoples working together in alliances, partnerships, and institutions like the African Union.

Consider what it takes to solve global challenges, like climate change or terrorism, or regional ones, like the African Union’s work in Sudan and Somalia. Your efforts to end the brutal campaign of the Lord’s Resistance Army, your push to create a green revolution for Africa that drives down hunger and poverty, the challenge of helping refugees displaced by conflict, the fight against transnational crimes like piracy and trafficking: These are diplomatic and development challenges of enormous complexity. But institutions like this make it easier for us to address them, by helping nations turn common interests into common actions, by encouraging coalition building and effective compromising, by integrating emerging nations into a global community with clear obligations and expectations.

That is why, as Secretary of State, I have emphasized the work of regional institutions throughout the world, in Latin America, in Asia, in Europe, and in Africa. Now, regional institutions, of course, may differ, but increasingly they are called upon to be problem solvers and to deliver concrete results that produce positive change in people’s lives.

To solve the problems confronting Africa and the world, we need the African Union. We also need Africa’s sub-regional institutions, all of whom must help lead the way. Because the results you will achieve will shape the future, first and foremost, of course, for the people of Africa, but also for the people of my country, and indeed for people everywhere because what happens in Africa has global impact. Economic growth here spurs economic growth elsewhere. Breakthroughs in health research here can save and improve lives in other lands. And peace established here makes the world more secure.

So the United States seeks new and dynamic partnerships with African peoples, nations, and institutions. We want to help you accelerate the advances that are underway in many places and collaborate with you to reverse the dangerous trends and encourage political, economic, and social progress.

Today, I’d like briefly to discuss three areas, which are areas of emphasis for you and for us and where I think we can make particular progress through regional institutions like the AU. They are democracy, economic growth, and peace and security. These are, of course, the core areas of focus for the African Union, and that’s for a reason. All three are critical for a thriving region. All three must be the work both of individual nations and communities of nations. And all three present challenges, opportunities, and responsibilities we must address together.

First, democracy. Let me begin by saying this is an exciting time for African democracy. More than half the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa have embraced democratic, constitutional, multi-party rule. Now, some, like Botswana, Ghana, and Tanzania, have spent decades building strong institutions and a tradition of peaceful, democratic transitions. (Interruption to audio.) When things like this happen, you just keep going. (Laughter.) (Applause.) Now, those countries that I mentioned are models, not only for their neighbors, but increasingly for countries everywhere.

Other African nations have been also making important advances. In Nigeria, President Jonathan was inaugurated 15 days ago after what many have called the fairest election in Nigeria’s recent history. Benin and Malawi both held successful elections this spring, building on previous successful multiparty contests. Kenya’s democracy got a boost from last year’s referendum on its new constitution. The vote took place without violence, and the constitution, which includes a bill of rights and limits on executive power, passed by a large margin. Niger and Guinea, both of which endured recent military coups, held successful elections in the past year. And in Cote d'Ivoire, the crisis that followed the 2010 elections was finally resolved two months ago with the help of the AU, and the elected winner is now serving as president.

These are just a few examples of Africa’s recent democratic gains. A complete list would fill all the time we have today. In several nations, the institutions of democracy are becoming stronger. There are freer medias, justice systems that administer justice equally, and impartially, honest legislatures, vibrant civil societies.

Now, much of the credit for these hard-won achievements rightly belongs to the people and leaders of these countries who have passionately and persistently, sometimes at great risk to themselves, demanded that their leaders protect the rule of law, honor election results, uphold rights and freedoms. But credit is also due to the African Union, which has prohibited new leaders who have come to power through military rule and coups from being seated in the organization. The AU and Africa’s other regional institutions have also played a pivotal role in ending crises and creating the conditions for successful, democratic transitions, with the AU’s work to monitor elections being an especially important contribution.

But, even as we celebrate this progress, we do know that too many people in Africa still live under longstanding rulers, men who care too much about the longevity of their reign, and too little about the legacy that should be built for their country’s future. Some even claim to believe in democracy – democracy defined as one election, one time. (Laughter.) (Applause.)

Now, this approach to governing is being rejected by countries on this continent and beyond. Consider the changes that have recently swept through North Africa and the Middle East. After years of living under dictatorships, people have demanded new leadership; in places where their voices have long been silenced, they are exercising their right to speak, often at the top of their lungs. In places where jobs are scarce and a tiny elite prospers while most of the population struggles, people – especially young people – are channeling their frustration into social, economic, and political change.

Their message is clear to us all: The status quo is broken; the old ways of governing are no longer acceptable; it is time for leaders to lead with accountability, treat their people with dignity, respect their rights, and deliver economic opportunity. And if they will not, then it is time for them to go.

Every country in the world stands to learn from these democracy movements, but this wave of activism, which came to be known as the Arab Spring, has particular significance for leaders in Africa and elsewhere who hold on to power at all costs, who suppress dissent, who enrich themselves and their supporters at the expense of their own people. To those leaders our message must be clear: Rise to this historic occasion; show leadership by embracing a true path that honors your people’s aspirations; create a future that your young people will believe in, defend, and help build. Because, if you do not – if you believe that the freedoms and opportunities that we speak about as universal should not be shared by your own people, men and women equally, or if you do not desire to help your own people work and live with dignity, you are on the wrong side of history, and time will prove that.

The United States pledges its support for those African nations that are committed to doing the difficult but rewarding work of building a free, peaceful, and prosperous future. And we look to institutions like the African Union, that are dedicated to democracy and good governance, to continue to encourage countries to walk that path or risk isolating themselves further.

Now, of course, creating the conditions that allow people and communities to flourish in a democracy cannot simply be a matter of holding elections; they are a necessary but not sufficient condition. Good governance requires free, fair, and transparent elections, a free media, independent judiciaries, and the protection of minorities. And democracy must also deliver results for people by providing economic opportunity, jobs, and a rising standard of living.

Now, here, again, the map of Africa is lit up with success stories. Six of the world’s 10 fastest growing economies in the last decade are in Sub-Saharan Africa, and that percentage is expected to grow in the next five years. At a time when investors everywhere are hunting for promising new markets and worthy new ventures, Africa is attracting attention from all corners.

But a prosperous future is not guaranteed. Several of Africa’s highest performing economies are dependent on a single industry or a single export, often a commodity, which we know can have both good and bad consequences. It can discourage the rise of new industries and the jobs that come with them, and it can concentrate a nation’s wealth among a privileged few. Meanwhile, even while growth rates skyrocket in some countries, in others they are rising too slowly and it can take too long for growth on paper to translate into jobs that are spread across a country. But it is this desire that is especially urgent among the youth of Africa that cannot be ignored.

When we saw the uprisings first in Tunisia and then in Egypt, they were about both political change and economic change. Too many young people said they had studied, they had worked hard. The tragic story of the young vegetable vendor who finally, in great frustration – because no matter how hard he tried, a corrupt regime would not give him the chance to have the sweat of his brow translated into economic benefits for himself and his family. More than 40 percent of the people living in Africa are under the age of 15. It rises to nearly two thirds if we look at under the age of 30. These young people are all coming of age at once and they are all connected. There are no more secrets because of social media, because that incredible technology can inform a young person in a rural area, where there are no roads, but there are cell phones, what is going on in his capital or in neighboring countries.

Creating jobs and opportunity for these young people is an enormous challenge, and one that I know the African Union is committed to addressing. Your summit later this month is focused on youth empowerment for sustainable development. You are right that young people must be brought into this work themselves, otherwise your hardest working, your best and your brightest, will either be frustrated and act out against the leaders of their country or they will leave to find opportunities in other lands. After all, the people who are speaking out most passionately across Africa are doing so with an eloquence and an advocacy that should, as the older generations, make us proud. These are young people who want to make something of themselves. All they need is the chance to do so.

Countries such as Zambia, Mali, Ghana, and Rwanda have had strong successes with their approaches to development. They have diversified their economies and created jobs across many sectors, which has helped to decrease poverty. They have continuously reinvested in the foundations of their economies, building roads and power plants and expanding access to financial services so more people can start or grow businesses. Based on lessons we’ve learned from our work around the world, the United States wants to deepen our partnerships with countries that take a broad-based, inclusive, sustainable approach to growth.

Now, I will be the first to admit that too much of our development work in the past provided only temporary aid and not the foundation for lasting change that helps people permanently improve their lives and communities. But the Obama Administration is taking a different approach. Our goal is to help countries’ economies grow over time so they can meet their own needs. Ultimately, we believe that the most effective development programs are the ones that put themselves out of business because they spark economic activity, they help create strong institutions, they nourish a private sector that, unleashed, will create more jobs.

And at the same time, we are asking our partners to do their part. How? Increased transparency, strengthen tax systems, fight corruption. Every bribe paid to a customs official or a government employee represents a hidden tax on the cost of doing business and a drag on economic growth. We are making this a priority in our diplomatic engagement, and we look to our partners to take concrete actions to stop corruption. One of the possible benefits of technology is doing what’s called electronic government, e-government, putting government services online so you don’t have to go through so many hands to get that permit to start a business. And we are encouraging and will work with countries interested in pursuing that kind of opportunity.

We’re also putting a new emphasis on trade. I spoke about this a few days ago at the AGOA Forum in Lusaka. During the past decade, Africa’s non-oil exports to the United States quadrupled, and we’ve only begun to tap the potential. We can and we will trade much more with each other. In fact, we are establishing, with a $120 million commitment over the next four years, trade hubs to help businesses write business plans; to learn how to market their products; to get the kind of technical advice that would not be affordable for a small or medium-sized business.

Trade should not only, however, increase across the ocean or the sea to Europe and the United States. Trade has to increase across this continent. There is less trade among the countries within Sub-Saharan Africa than within any other region in the world, and yet there are consumers and there are producers, but there are barriers – tariff barriers, non-tariff barriers, longstanding suspicions that have to be overcome in order to take advantage of the economic engine that Sub-Saharan Africa can be.

I commend those countries and institutions working to accelerate economic integration, such as the East African Community. And last year, the United States became the first country to nominate an ambassador to the EAC, and we are pursuing a partnership to help build a customs union and a common market. And we applaud the efforts that began with the meeting in South Africa, last week, to discuss a tripartite free trade agreement that will lower trade barriers across dozens of countries.

And the vision of an African common market is worth pursuing. This approach is reflected in our Millennium Challenge Compacts, which form partnerships with developing countries devoted to good governance, economic freedom, and investing in one’s citizens. You can see it in our Partnerships for Growth Program: We picked four countries in the world that we thought could put all the pieces together, and two of them are in Africa, Tanzania and Ghana. These nations have made strong commitments to democracy, to their own development progress, and we’re stepping up our economic relations with these top performers.

Another example of our new approach is our Feed the Future food security initiative. We’re investing $3.5 billion in 20 focus countries, including 12 in Africa, to revitalize agricultural sectors so you can increase food production and availability, raise your farmers’ incomes, decrease hunger and under-nutrition. And through the Feed the Future, we are supporting the AU’s Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Program, which, we think, has laid the foundation for more effective agricultural policies across the continent. By investing in agriculture and strengthening nations’ food security, we will see economies grow and stability increase.

There’s another important element of sustainable economic development, and that is improvements in health. Right now, several African countries are making great strides in bringing life-saving health interventions to more of their people. Zambia has significantly reduced mother-to-child transmission of HIV. Nigeria has made great progress in fighting polio through renewed vaccination efforts. And Ethiopia has mobilized an army of 30,000 health workers to bring a basic package of care to remote regions. We are backing these kinds of improvements through our Global Health Initiative, which supports country-led programs and helps countries unite separate health programs into one sustainable health system.

So we are combining our efforts through PEPFAR, through AID, through CDC, and other U.S. Government approaches, because we think health is a critical element of a nation’s security. When epidemics are prevented from occurring or ended or controlled quickly, when people can get life-saving care when they need it and return to their jobs and their lives, families are stronger, communities are stronger, and nations are stronger.

And finally, when it comes to economic opportunity and development, we must empower the continent’s women. The women of Africa are the hardest working women in the world. And so often – (applause) – so often what they do is not included in the formal economy, it is not measured in the GDP. And yet, if all the women in Africa, from Cairo to Cape Town, decided they would stop working for a week, the economies of Africa would collapse. (Applause.)

So let’s include half the population. Let’s treat them with dignity. Let’s give them the right and responsibility to make a contribution to the 21st century of African growth and progress. And the United States will be your partner, because we have seen what a difference it makes when women are educated, when they have access to health care, when they can start businesses, when they can get credit, when they can help support their families. So let us make sure that that remains front and center in the work we do together.

And finally, let me address peace and security. In recent years, a quiet storyline has emerged out of the security challenges that have developed on the continent. More and more, the African Union and Africa’s sub-regional organizations and African states, working alone or in concert, are taking the lead in solving Africa’s crises. In Somalia, AMISOM, the African Union’s peacekeeping mission, thanks to heroic efforts by Ugandan and Burundian soldiers, has helped the Transitional Federal Government make remarkable security gains in Mogadishu over the past couple of months. Al-Shabaab, an affiliate of al-Qaida, is finally on the defensive, and we see that because they are increasingly resorting to suicide bombers and the targeting of civilians, a sign of desperation.

Now, we expect Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government to create political and economic progress to match AMISOM’s security progress. It cannot continue operating the way it has in the past. We look to the TFG to resolve their internal divisions and improve the lives of the millions of Somalis who continue to suffer, and we know that the AU will be their partner in doing so.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we remain concerned about the continued violence against women and girls and the activities of armed groups in the eastern region of the country. Every effort by the AU and UN will be necessary to help the DRC respond to these continuing security crises.

And then there is the situation in Sudan: South Sudan is less than one month away from becoming the world’s newest state. And the governments of Sudan and South Sudan have made laudable progress in implementing certain provisions of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. But recent developments along the border, particularly in the Abyei region, are deeply troubling. The parties must resolve the remaining CPA issues peacefully through negotiations, not violence. And again, the African Union has played a critical role in facilitating negotiations in Sudan. And I also want to thank the prime minister of Ethiopia, our host country, for everything he has done and is doing as we speak today.

I will have the opportunity later this evening to meet with representatives from both the North and South to add my voice and that of President Obama and my government to the chorus of voices saying the same thing: Resolve your differences, settle the problem in Darfur. And we got some good news out of Doha today that we hope will translate into real progress. But come together and make it possible for both of these countries to have peaceful, prosperous futures.

And there is, of course, another country whose security matters to all of us, and that is Libya. Libya has been the subject of many of our discussions during the past few months. And I believe there is much on which we can agree. There is little question that the kind of activities that, unfortunately, have affected the Libyan people for more than 40 years run against the tide of history. And there is little question that despite having the highest nominal GDP in Africa, thanks to oil, Libya’s wealth was too concentrated within Qadhafi’s circle.

But of course, all the countries here are not in agreement about the steps that the international community, under the United Nations Security Council, have taken in Libya up to this point. Having looked at the information available, the Security Council, including the three African members, supported a UN mandate to protect civilians, prevent slaughter, and create conditions for a transition to a better future for the Libyan people themselves.

Now, I know there are some who still believe that the actions of the UN and NATO were not called for. And I know it’s true that over many years Mr. Qadhafi played a major role in providing financial support for many African nations and institutions, including the African Union. But it has become clearer by the day that he has lost his legitimacy to rule, and we are long past time when he can or should remain in power.

So I hope and believe that while we may disagree about some of what has brought us to this place, we can reach agreement about what must happen now. For as long as Mr. Qadhafi remains in Libya, the people of Libya will be in danger, refugee flows by the thousands will continue out of Libya, regional instability will likely increase, and Libya’s neighbors will bear more and more of the consequences. None of this is acceptable, and Qadhafi must leave power.

I urge all African states to call for a genuine ceasefire and to call for Qadhafi to step aside. I also urge you to suspend the operations of Qadhafi’s embassies in your countries, to expel pro-Qadhafi diplomats, and to increase contact and support for the Transitional National Council. Your words and your actions could make the difference in bringing this situation to finally close and allowing the people of Libya, on an inclusive basis, in a unified Libya, to get to work writing a constitution and rebuilding their country. The world needs the African Union to lead. The African Union can help guide Libya through the transition you described in your organization’s own statements, a transition to a new government based on democracy, economic opportunity, and security.

As we look to the future, we want to work with the African Union not only to react to conflicts and crises but to get ahead of them, to work together on a positive agenda that will stop crises before they start. And I think we can find many areas for collaboration.

On youth engagement, which is a priority for both the AU and President Obama, we seek to pursue a specific work plan with you. On democracy and good governance we already work together to monitor elections across Africa. Now we need to do more to help countries strengthen democratic institutions. On economic growth and trade the AU plays a major role in building Africa’s sub-regional architecture, and we stand ready to support you.

So I want to commend Africa’s institutions for what you have already accomplished, and in some cases, just a few years after your creation. And I will pledge my country’s support as you continue this work. Whether you seek to deepen the integration among your members, improve coordination, or reform your operations, we will be with you.

A good example that the chairman mentioned is what we can offer in the work we are doing to help reform the UN’s support for the African Union here in Addis Ababa. The UN and the African Union asked the United States to identify ways their work together could become more effective and strategic. We said yes, and now there are people at the State Department focused on this issue working closely with many of you in this room.

And as has already been announced, we are rejoining the UN Economic Commission for Africa, another sign of our commitment to engaging with Africa’s regional institutions. (Applause.)

On this trip to Africa, I am reminded every hour that for every challenge now facing Africa, a solution can be found somewhere in Africa. (Applause.) You do not have to look far afield to see political, economic, and social success.

Earlier I mentioned the Arab Spring, a name that suggests the blossoming of something new. And what is now blooming across the Arab states has already taken root in many African nations, commitment to democracy, recognition of human rights, investment in economic health and education programs, and an emphasis on meeting the needs of our young people.

Across this continent the work is underway, but there is a long season ahead. So I urge you not to be impatient; do not grow weary while doing good. Keep showing leadership. Keep building a path to a future worthy of the talents and aspirations of the young men and women of Africa. The United States believes deeply in these values. We believe passionately in the promise and potential of pluralistic democracies, of free markets. We welcome to our shores immigrants from every country represented here, and we can see the success stories that so many of them have built in the United States. But I have never met an immigrant from Africa who has not said he or she wished they could have done the very same in their own country, among their own people, close to their family, eating the food, smelling the flowers, seeing the sights that are in their blood. I want to see that for Africa, where people are coming home to Africa because this is where opportunity for the future resides.

Thank you and God bless you. (Applause.)